Kazakhstan has unveiled a far-reaching constitutional draft that would remake the country’s political architecture and rewrite key legal and language norms. Released on January 31, the package—whose authors and some observers already call a de facto new constitution—would replace the existing bicameral parliament with a single consultative assembly, alter the status of Russian in state institutions, expand presidential appointment powers and restore a vice-presidential post. A referendum on the changes is set for March 15.
How the overhaul came together
What began as a more limited proposal last September—to dissolve the Senate and move to a single parliamentary chamber—quickly ballooned into a broad revision. President Kassym‑Jomart Tokayev warned on January 20 that the scale of the amendments was tantamount to drafting an entirely new charter. A special constitutional commission he convened on January 21 produced the text within a matter of days, and the draft was made public at the end of the month.
From bicameralism to the Kurultai
The headline institutional change is the abolition of the two‑chamber parliament and the creation of a single consultative body called the Kurultai, a name borrowed from Turkic and Mongol political traditions. The number of deputies would fall slightly—from 148 to 145—and numerical quotas for appointed deputies would be removed.
Proponents argue the switch will streamline lawmaking, cut duplication and speed decisions. Critics counter that collapsing chambers risks concentrating power, weakening legislative oversight and shrinking representation. How seats are allocated and how appointments are handled will be decisive in judging whether the reform improves efficiency or chips away at democratic checks.
Stronger presidential reach
The draft restores the vice presidency—abolished in 1996—allowing the president to appoint a vice president with Kurultai approval. The vice president would take the presidency if the incumbent left office early and would be required to call fresh elections within two months. At the same time, the list of senior officials the president may appoint directly would more than double by some reports, and the president would gain the power to dissolve parliament if the Kurultai rejects presidential appointments twice.
A new advisory council, the People’s Council, would be populated by presidential appointees, required to meet at least annually, and empowered to submit draft laws and propose national referendums. Supporters describe it as a channel for broader civic input; opponents see it as another lever of executive influence.
Language, rights and international commitments
The draft tightens limits on public expression by adding language that speech must not “encroach upon the honor and dignity of other persons, the health of citizens, or public morality, and must not violate the public order.” Rights advocates warn such wording could chill journalism, protests and online speech.
Another significant change would remove the automatic constitutional precedence of international treaties over domestic law. That adjustment would complicate how Kazakhstan reconciles international obligations with national statutes and could make treaty implementation more difficult.
The drafters also propose an explicit definition of marriage as the union of one man and one woman. Officials say roughly 77 articles—about 84 percent of the constitution—would be affected.
The Russian language debate
One of the most sensitive proposed edits concerns the legal status of Russian. The current constitution says Russian is used “equally” with Kazakh in state institutions. The commission clarified on February 9 that it intends to replace the word “equally” with “alongside.” Deputy Constitutional Court Chairman Bakhyt Nurmukhanov framed the change as a technical clarification, but regional officials and language‑rights groups warned it could reduce practical equivalence in services and administrative life. Several Russian outlets interpreted the move as widening officials’ discretion in choosing which language to use.
How the overhaul came together
What began as a more limited proposal last September—to dissolve the Senate and move to a single parliamentary chamber—quickly ballooned into a broad revision. President Kassym‑Jomart Tokayev warned on January 20 that the scale of the amendments was tantamount to drafting an entirely new charter. A special constitutional commission he convened on January 21 produced the text within a matter of days, and the draft was made public at the end of the month.0
How the overhaul came together
What began as a more limited proposal last September—to dissolve the Senate and move to a single parliamentary chamber—quickly ballooned into a broad revision. President Kassym‑Jomart Tokayev warned on January 20 that the scale of the amendments was tantamount to drafting an entirely new charter. A special constitutional commission he convened on January 21 produced the text within a matter of days, and the draft was made public at the end of the month.1
How the overhaul came together
What began as a more limited proposal last September—to dissolve the Senate and move to a single parliamentary chamber—quickly ballooned into a broad revision. President Kassym‑Jomart Tokayev warned on January 20 that the scale of the amendments was tantamount to drafting an entirely new charter. A special constitutional commission he convened on January 21 produced the text within a matter of days, and the draft was made public at the end of the month.2
How the overhaul came together
What began as a more limited proposal last September—to dissolve the Senate and move to a single parliamentary chamber—quickly ballooned into a broad revision. President Kassym‑Jomart Tokayev warned on January 20 that the scale of the amendments was tantamount to drafting an entirely new charter. A special constitutional commission he convened on January 21 produced the text within a matter of days, and the draft was made public at the end of the month.3
